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Published Princeton, N. Author Knight, Amy W. Subjects Russia Federation. Ministerstvo bezopasnosti. Secret service -- Russia. Service secret -- Russie. Secret service.
Basically, It's the Same Old Antidemocratic Enforcer - ewipuconet.tk
Geheime diensten. Services de renseignements -- URSS. As Amy Knight shows, the KGB was renamed and reorganized several times after it was officially disbanded in December , but it was not reformed. Knight's rich and lively narrative begins with the aborted August coup, led by KGB hard-liners, and takes us up through the summer of , when the Russian parliamentary elections were looming on the horizon. Contents Ch. Building Russia's Security Apparatus Ch.
Russia's Borders and Beyond Ch. Guardians of History Ch. Notes Includes bibliographical references pages and index.
View online Borrow Buy Freely available Show 0 more links End faire enough. Ben Jonson. THIS BOOK tells the story of what happened to the world's most powerful security and intelligence apparatus, known until late as the KGB, when the totalitarian Soviet empire that supported it collapsed.
Who Killed Kirov?
How does such an organization survive in a world where the rules of the game have changed dramatically? Why, for that matter, does it survive at all, given that the cold war has ended and Russia has embarked on a path of political and economic transformation? Does the KGB's successor organization still represent a threat to Western interests and an enemy to the development of democracy within the former Soviet Union?
This account is part of the larger story of the post-Soviet political system in transition, and, although the book deals with one element of that system, its ultimate aim is to provide a deeper understanding of domestic and foreign politics in the former Soviet Union. The focus of the book is on the Russian Federation, which emerged as an independent state when the Soviet Union was dissolved in December But the story of what happened to the KGB also involves the other former Soviet republics, whose security services were part of the KGB and are still closely connected with Moscow.
The former Soviet Union has been in the throes of economic and political upheaval since , when Mikhail Gorbachev initiated his program of perestroika. Western observers have followed these events closely, because the outcome will affect the entire world for a long time to come. Knight claims that "the so-called coup was largely a farce.
Gorbachev's colleagues hatched a plan, which he knew about and didn't seek to block, to introduce a national state of emergency, in part to stem Mr. Yeltsin's growing popularity, and also to delay the signing of the Union Treaty, which would replace the Soviet Union with a loose confederation of states. Gorbachev, she speculates, secretly planned to stay in his vacation dacha in the Crimea while the state of emergency was announced, feign illness and, if the plan worked, quickly recover, return to Moscow and take charge. If it failed, he'd arrest the plotters.
Spies without Cloaks: The KGB's Successors
Either way his hands would be clean. The West would blame his hard-line opponents, not him, for introducing coercive measures -- as it had done so many times before.
But then Mr. Gorbachev backed out, leaving his fellow conspirators in disarray. These dark rumors have circulated among Russians and Russia-watchers for a while now, but no one before Ms.
The Globe and Mail
Knight has elaborated at such length on this tantalizing theory. Her evidence, gleaned from a close reading of court testimony and memoirs, is extensive, if circumstantial. Gorbachev has always maintained, for instance, that he was held incommunicado for 72 hours, his phone lines cut.
Yet Ms. Knight contends that he could have used the phones in his limousines nearby, or those in the administrative building a hundred yards from his house. One wonders: could he really have just placed a call without the assistance of an operator? And when President George Bush was finally able to speak to Mr. Gorbachev on the phone, on Aug.
Gorbachev told him that he was only then finding out what had happened -- yet it was later revealed that he had a small Sony television, and radios, and the electricity to run them with. Could he really have been in the dark, as he later claimed? Knight finds it odd that Mr. Gorbachev's 32 armed bodyguards didn't even make an attempt to resist his five captors. She wonders, too, why Mr.
Gorbachev's chief bodyguard, Vadim A. Medvedev -- who, Mr. Gorbachev charged, secretly bugged his dacha and gave the tapes to the K. Kryuchkov -- wasn't among the 14 plotters later arrested. And why, three years later, every single one of the coup plotters was either granted amnesty or acquitted outright. These are provocative questions, and much about the abortive coup remains murky.